The field of Qurʾānic studies, particularly in Euro-American academia, remains entrenched in systemic biases, serving as a vestige of intellectual colonialism that has yet to reckon with the lessons of postcolonial theory. While there is an increasing acknowledgment of the importance of integrating the Qur’ān’s “Arabicity” and its indigenous perspectives, the shadow of a deeply entrenched Euro-American academic tradition looms large in the study of it.
Historically, this tradition was born not out of an organic curiosity about the Qur’ān as a literary and cultural artifact of the Arabian Peninsula, but as a response to colonial imperatives. During the height of European imperial expansion in the 19th and early 20th centuries, particularly in the wake of France’s colonization of North Africa (1830s–1950s) and Britain’s control over Egypt and India (1880s–1940s), Qurʾānic studies were shaped by an intellectual culture that sought to dehumanize the Arabs and reduce the Qurʾān to a derivative text. European colonial administrations funded Qurʾānic research to facilitate governance over Muslim populations, positioning Islam as a static, archaic system in need of reform, in contrast with Western rationality and modernity. Institutions such as the École des Langues Orientales in Paris (founded in 1795) and the School of Oriental and African Studies (SOAS) in London (founded in 1916) played significant roles in shaping Qurʾānic studies within the realm of colonial knowledge production. The funding of Qurʾānic research by European colonial administrations mirrored their broader imperialist strategies, as seen in the case of scholarship on Ibn Khaldūn, which was actively supported by colonial France to serve its governance over Algeria and the Maghreb.
While these institutions have since evolved into centers of rigorous academic inquiry, their historical engagement with Eurocentrist frameworks contributed to the portrayal of Islam as an object of study, rather than as a dynamic intellectual tradition, reinforcing colonial narratives that positioned Islam as a stagnant tradition incapable of generating its own epistemic frameworks. This reductive framing found its most enduring articulation in the works of scholars like Theodor Nöldeke, whose 19th-century critique set the stage for a century of revisionist interpretations.[1] His Geschichte des Qorān became the cornerstone of a positivist history that critiqued the authenticity and reliability of Muslim sources.[2]
In the decades following World War II, the Euro-American academy, in the throes of postcolonial guilt and cultural turmoil, imported European scholars and established programs in Arabic and Islamic studies at leading American universities. This period marked a palpable shift, where Islam became framed as a "problem" in academic and political discourse—a framing that continues to haunt the field today.[3] An illustrative example is the work of H.A.R. Gibb, who, while moderate compared to later scholars, still reinforced the notion that the challenges faced by Muslim societies were largely internal rather than shaped by colonial histories.[4]
These methodologies often sidelined the Qur’ān’s indigenous roots, relying on external frameworks such as biblical criticism to reinterpret it. In particular, Wansbrough, Crone and Cook approached the Qur’ān not as a text of its time and place, but as a product of broader Late Antique cultural currents.[5] While their methods sought to situate the Qur’ān within a universalist framework, they inadvertently perpetuated the colonial practice of uprooting the text from its native context. By prioritizing external "intertexts" over indigenous sources, this scholarship reinforced a Eurocentric narrative that stripped the Qur’ān of its unique voice.
This incorporation of the Qurʾān into the framework of Late Antiquity has opened contentious debates in the field of Qurʾānic studies. Among the most significant proponents of this approach is Angelika Neuwirth,[6] whose model builds on Peter Brown’s seminal thesis of "late antiquity" as a period of transformation and continuity.[7] Neuwirth's work stands out for its ambition to integrate the Qurʾān into the shared epistemic space of late antique cultural and theological debates. She positions the Qurʾān as both a commentary on and a participant in the broader Abrahamic traditions of late antiquity, drawing connections between its rhetorical structure and the exegetical traditions of Hellenistic Judaism and early Christianity. While Neuwirth’s model claims to break from the parochial Eurocentrism of older Orientalist scholarship, it does so only superficially. Her framework risks silencing the Qurʾān’s distinct linguistic, cultural, and historical contexts in favor of subsuming it into a European narrative of continuity. For instance, she portrays the Qurʾān as a reinterpretation of biblical traditions, focusing heavily on intertextuality with Jewish and Christian scriptures, while downplaying its Arabic linguistic and rhetorical richness. This approach, while offering a departure from the overt hostility of earlier revisionists like John Wansbrough and Patricia Crone, nonetheless perpetuates the same Eurocentric desire to control and reinterpret Islam's origins through external lenses.
However, the discovery of the Ṣanʿāʾ palimpsest in 1972[8] decisively confirmed the Qurʾān’s semi-oral transmission before 650 CE, and has dismantled older Orientalist speculations regarding the Qurʾān’s textual history and its alleged dependence on external sources. Yet, rather than grappling with the implications of this evidence, Neuwirth and other late antiquarians selectively use the historical-critical method to tie the Qurʾān to the broader cultural and religious matrix of late antiquity. Neuwirth’s methodological emphasis on the Qurʾān’s intertextuality with Jewish and Christian traditions reveals a troubling bias. Her approach inadvertently marginalizes the Qurʾān’s immediate sociolinguistic and rhetorical milieu in seventh-century Arabia, where it was revealed and initially received.
Hence, Neuwirth risks perpetuating a colonial epistemology that appropriates and redefines non-European traditions through European historical frameworks. While her work seeks to offer a more inclusive and nuanced approach to Qurʾānic studies, it remains constrained by the Eurocentric paradigms it claims to transcend.
A more equitable approach to Qurʾānic studies would prioritize the Qurʾān’s internal coherence, linguistic innovation, and its profound engagement with the cultural and social realities of its time—an engagement that challenges the very premises of the late antiquity thesis. By doing so, scholars can begin to liberate the study of the Qurʾān from the ideological biases that have long defined its reception in the Euro-American academy.
In fact, it is precisely the Qur’ān’s indigenous Arabicity that holds the key to revitalizing the field. The rich heritage of pre-Islamic Arabic poetry and the oral traditions of the Arabian Peninsula offer a profound framework for understanding the Qur’ān not as a derivative, but as a transformative text. Pre-Islamic poetry, with its intricate interweaving of aesthetics, ethics, and social practices, shaped an Arabian worldview that the Qur’ān both inherited and transcended.
Further, neither did the Qur’ān emerge in isolation, nor is its Arabicity simply linguistic; it engages deeply with the oral traditions, poetic aesthetics, and social dynamics of its time. Pre-Islamic Arabic poetry, particularly the celebrated Hanging Odes (al-Mu‘allaqāt), offers a window into the world that the Qur’ān addressed, critiqued, and transformed. The Qur’ān’s Arabicity is profoundly intertwined with its ethical and aesthetic dimensions. To study the Qur’ān without understanding its relationship to pre-Islamic Arabic poetry is akin to studying Antigone without knowing the tragedy of Oedipus. The Qur’ān’s language, rhythm, and imagery draw from the shared cultural reservoir of its audience, but it does so to create a radically new discourse—one that challenged the tribal, economic, and moral hierarchies of its society.
Thus, indigeneity, in the context of Qur’ānic studies, is not merely a claim to the text's geographical or linguistic origins. It represents a sacred relationship between the Qur’ān and the historical, cultural, and natural environment of pre-Islamic Arabia.
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Emerging within the sixth-century Arabic poetic and cultural landscape, the Qur’ān offers a competing vision of what it means to be ethical and what it means to be human—one that does not rely on assimilating individuals into predetermined social norms. Instead, it affirms the dignity of human beings within their native contexts, challenging the Eurocentric idea that civilization must be universalized in a singular form.
This dialogue invites comparisons with more contemporary reflections on human subjectivity and civil society. Consider the critique of conflict-resolution frameworks that reduce peace to a web of social contracts—constructs that presuppose humanity is achieved only through education into a “civilized” society.[9] These frameworks, embedded in the cultural imaginary of the West, often dehumanize those outside these constructs, or in other words, coded as “uncivil.”
I contend that the ethical authority of the Qur’ān disrupts Euro-American tendencies to read Islam solely through Hellenistic or Judeo-Christian paradigms. Yet the Qur’ān’s ethical and political thought cannot be disentangled from the poetic tradition Muhammad inherited—a tradition that shaped not only his linguistic sensibilities but also his vision for a just and equitable society. By re-centering the Qur’ān within its indigenous poetic and cultural milieu, we uncover a humanistic vision that offers an alternative understanding of what it means to be human, one unafraid to define the human subject on its own terms.
Take, for example, Al-Aʿshá’s haunting reflections on unrequited love and fractured human connections.[10] His poetry delves into the emotional abyss of existence, where accident and chance govern the fate of relationships, leaving humanity adrift in a world devoid of mutual love and emotional equilibrium. Similarly, Ṭarafa’s striking ode meditates on the randomness of death, encapsulated in the evocative term maniyyatī,[11] which conveys not merely death itself but the capricious events that lead to it. These poetic musings do not merely set the stage for the Qur’ān; they constitute the intellectual and cultural soil from which its ethical and spiritual vision emerges.
The Qur’ān engages with this poetic tradition not as a passive inheritor but as a dynamic interlocutor. Where pre-Islamic poetry grapples with the futility of existence and the whims of fate, the Qur’ān introduces an ethical framework that redefines human subjectivity. It offers a vision of existence rooted in divine justice, communal responsibility, and the possibility of transcendence. To ignore this dialogue is to sever the Qur’ān from the cultural and linguistic environment that shaped its emergence, reducing it to a relic rather than recognizing it as a revolutionary text.
At the same time, the Qur’ān’s engagement with the Abrahamic traditions—Judaism and Christianity—is a vital aspect of its identity. The Qur’ān openly acknowledges and embraces its connection to these faiths, not as mere precursors but as part of a shared monotheistic heritage. It references biblical narratives, affirms the prophethood of figures like Moses and Jesus, and situates itself as a continuation of divine revelation.
Yet, this continuity does not diminish the Qur’ān’s originality. Rather than being a footnote in biblical history, the Qur’ān reimagines these narratives, offering alternative interpretations that emphasize divine justice, moral accountability, and the unity of humanity under a singular Creator. This relationship is one of affinity and assertion. The Qur’ān defends its place within the broader Abrahamic tradition while simultaneously carving out its distinct voice. For example, its reinterpretation of prophetic stories focuses not on their historical sequence but on their ethical and spiritual lessons, reframing them in ways that resonate with the social and cultural realities of seventh-century Arabia.[12]
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Restoring the Qur’ān to an indigenous code of knowledge carries profound implications. It challenges the dominant metanarratives that have long governed Euro-American scholarship on the Qur’ān—narratives that often rely on externalizing the text, situating its origins in foreign "intertexts," and framing it as derivative rather than revolutionary. This approach not only obscures the Qur’ān’s originality but also perpetuates an ideological hierarchy that privileges Western epistemologies over indigenous knowledge systems.
The stakes of this transformation are high. As one colleague noted, the Qur’ān’s unique engagement with pre-Islamic poetry—its ability to transform a socio-aesthetic fabric into a moral and spiritual discourse—offers a compelling alternative to Western notions of subjectivity and humanism.[13] Similarly, its engagement with the Abrahamic traditions provides a model for coexistence, emphasizing shared values while respecting differences. By tracing the Qur’ān’s ethical authority to its linguistic and cultural roots, scholars can uncover a vision of human flourishing that challenges Eurocentric paradigms and offers a more inclusive understanding of our shared humanity.
The future of Qur’ānic studies lies in its past—not as a static repository of tradition but as a dynamic source of intellectual and ethical renewal. By embracing the Qur’ān’s Arabicity and its deep connection to the pre-Islamic world and the Abrahamic traditions, we can begin to decolonize the field, making room for a more inclusive and authentic engagement with one of the world’s most significant texts. This approach is not merely academic; it is a call for global understanding, coexistence, and the liberation of knowledge from ideological constraints.
The Qur’ān, as a seminal document of seventh-century humanism with a global reach, beckons further exploration and a wider audience. By positioning it as a bridge between traditions—between the local and the universal, the past and the present—it challenges us to imagine new pathways for understanding texts, cultures, and histories. This is not to dismiss comparative or historical approaches but to question the hierarchies of knowledge that privilege external frameworks over the Qur’ān’s own linguistic and cultural environment. This is the promise of restoring Qur’ānic studies to an indigenous code of knowledge: it allows us to see the Qur’ān not only as a text but as a testament to the power of language, ethics, and the human spirit to transcend boundaries and inspire a shared vision of peace.
A positive step in that direction begins with actively fostering interdisciplinary research that integrates pre-Islamic Arabic traditions with contemporary methods in linguistics, history, literary and cultural studies. Curricula should reflect the Qurʾān’s dual role as both a continuation of and a break from its cultural milieu, highlighting its transformative capacity to engage with its immediate context while reshaping communal and ethical frameworks.
The field of Qur’ānic studies stands at a crossroads. To move forward, we must cultivate an approach that is grounded in historical parity, intellectual integrity, and a deep sense of epistemic humility—one that acknowledges the need to restore the Qurʾān’s rightful place as a dynamic, indigenous text. Embracing this shift will not only enrich the field but also foster a more inclusive and authentic understanding of the Qurʾān’s enduring significance. This call is particularly urgent in a world that continues to grapple with the legacies of colonialism and the ongoing marginalization of indigenous knowledge systems.
Notes
[1] See Theodor Nöldeke, “Arabia, Arabians,” Encyclopaedia Biblica, ed. T.K. Cheyne and J. Sutherland Black (The Macmillan Company,1899), 272–75; Theodor Nöldeke, Friedrich Schwally, Gotthelf Bergstrasser, and Otto Pretzl, The History of the Qurʾan, ed. and trans. Wolfgang Behn. (Leiden: Brill, 2013).
[2] Theodor Nöldeke, and Friedrich Schwally, eds. Geschichte des Qorans. Part 1, Über den Ursprung des Qorans. (Leipzig: T. Weicher, 1909 ; repr., Weicher, 2005).
[3] See Philip Willard Ireland, ed. The Near East: Problems and Prospects. (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1942). For a nuanced genealogy of studying Islam as a “problem” in Western Europe, especially in relation to Christian theology and secular thought, see Hourani, “Islam and the Philosophy of History,” Middle Eastern Studies 3, no. 3 (1967): 206–68.
[4] H.A.R. Gibb, Review of Social Forces in the Middle East, by Sidney Nettleton Fisher, American Anthropologist no. 58 (1956): 218–19.
[5] John Wansbrough, In Qur'anic Studies: Sources and Methods of Scriptural Interpretations (Oxford University Press, 1977); Patricia Crone and Michael Cook, Hagarism: The Making of the Islamic World (Cambridge University Press, 1977).
[6] Angelika Neuwirth, Der Koran als Text der Spätantike. Ein europäischer Zugang (Berlin: Verlag der Weltreligionen, 2010); Locating the Qurʾān in the Epistemic Space of Late Antiquity, in Islam and its Past: Jahiliyya, Late Antiquity and the Qurʾān (Oxford University Press, 2017).
[7] Peter Brown, The World of Late Antiquity: AD 150–750 (Harvard University Press, 1971). Brown’s argument challenges the classical narrative of the “decline and fall” of the Roman Empire by instead proposing that this period witnessed a transformation and continuity of social, political, and religious structures rather than a catastrophic collapse.
[8] Sadeghi, Behnam, and Mohsen Goudarzi. “Ṣanʿāʾ 1 and the Origins of the Qurʾān,” Der Islam 87, nos. 1–2 (2012): 1–129. The Ṣanʿāʾ palimpsest, discovered in 1972 at the Great Mosque of Ṣanʿāʾ, is one of the oldest known Qurʾānic manuscripts, and represents an earlier version of the Qurʾān that differs from the standardized ʿUthmānic recension. Behnam Sadeghi and Mohsen Goudarzi have demonstrated that this palimpsest provides decisive evidence for the semi-oral transmission of the Qurʾān prior to 650 CE. They argue that the text was likely transmitted through hearers who recorded a dictated version directed by the Prophet Muhammad himself.
[9] For further discussions, see Shawqī Ḍayf, Tārīkh al-Adab al-‘Arabī (Cairo: Dār al-Ma‘ārif, 1960); Maria Dakake, The Charismatic Community: Shi'ite Identity in Early Islam (Albany: SUNY Press, 2007); Enrique Dussel, Philosophy of Liberation (New York: Wipf & Stock, 1985); James C. Scott, Seeing Like a State: How Certain Schemes to Improve the Human Condition Have Failed (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1998); Michel Foucault, Discipline and Punish: The Birth of the Prison (New York: Pantheon Books, 1977); Frantz Fanon, The Wretched of the Earth, trans. Richard Philcox (New York: Grove Press, 2004); Aziz Al-Azmeh, The Emergence of Islam in Late Antiquity: Allah and His People (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2014); Holger Zellentin, The Qurʾān’s Reformation of Judaism and Christianity (London: Oxford University Press, 2019); Devin Stewart, Reflections on the State of the Art in Western Qurʾānic Studies (Leiden: Brill, 2021).
[10] Ibn Qays al-Aʿshá, Dīwān al-Aʿshá al-Kabīr: Maymūn ibn Qays, ed. Iḥsān ʿAbbās (Beirut: Dār Ṣādir, 1971), 57; Abū Dhuʾayb al-Hudhalī, Dīwān Abī Dhuʾayb al-Hudhalī, ed. ʿAbd al-Sattār Aḥmad Farrāj (Cairo: Dār al-Maʿārif, 1964), 192–93.
[11] Ṭarafa ibn al-ʿAbd, Dīwān Ṭarafa ibn al-ʿAbd, ed. William Ahlwardt (London: British Library, 1870), 19; Ṭarafa ibn al-ʿAbd, Dīwān Ṭarafa ibn al-ʿAbd, ed. Muḥammad Abū al-Faḍl Ibrāhīm (Cairo: Dār al-Maʿārif, 1958), 25.
[12] Some key examples include the Qurʾānic retelling of Moses’ confrontation with Pharaoh as not simply about the liberation of the Israelites but a universal critique of tyranny (e.g., Sūrat al-Aʿrāf 7:103–137, Sūrat Ṭā Hā 20:9–79). Unlike the biblical version, the focus is less on genealogy and more on the moral and theological lessons of defying unjust rulers. In Sūrat Maryam (19), Mary is accused by her community of immorality, a direct reflection of concerns over women's honor in Arabian society. However, the Qurʾān refutes these accusations, granting Mary a unique status as the only woman mentioned by name in the text. Her story serves as an example of how divine justice overcomes human prejudice (Sūrat Maryam 19:16-34; Sūrat Āl ʿImrān 3:42–47).
[13] As quoted by a dear and esteemed colleague, the late Jaroslav Stetkevych. I must say, I am recalling our conversation inexactly from 7 years ago.